Bill Crocker began
field research with the Canela in 1957 and has continued intermittently
right up to the present [1994]. He has lived with the Canela for an
accumulated total of more than five years during eleven field trips.
There are few anthropological field studies that surpass his in duration
and intensity.
This long-term
approach to the study of a culture enables Crocker not only to mount
a time-stretched interpretation of culture change and adaptation,
but also permits him to achieve an intimacy of interpersonal relationships
with the Canela people that is often voiced as an objective of anthropological
fieldworkbut rarely achieved. Bill Crocker is amongst kin, locked
into an intricate pattern of terminology and reciprocal behaviors,
when he is with the Canela. Though "one of the family,"
he must retain perspective as an anthropologist, a viewer and interpreter
of behavior into which he has been socialized. He does this, in part,
by acquiring "research assistants" rather than "informants."
They share knowledge and their interpretations of behavior with him.
They also share responsibility for culturally correct reporting and
analysis: Crocker acknowledges their input but still retains his obligation
to produce alternative perspectives and interpretations flowing from
his anthropological training and his position as a cultural "other"
to the Canela. The result of his special, long-term relationship with
the Canela is a complex, detailed description and analysis of a spectacular
way of life.
Canela culture is radically divergent from European-based cultural
expectations, values, and perspective, even though their common humanity
is apparent. They live a joyous life of festival, ceremony and ritual
that is inconceivable from the perspective of a work- and time-oriented
Westerner. The Canela spend hours and days engaged in symbolic re-enactments
of their cultural meanings, and parts of each day engaged in what
seems like plain everyday funsuch as racing around the village
perimeter carrying heavy logs on their shoulders (a great way to keep
in shape, it seems).
From the forward,
page viii by George Spindler, to The Canela: Bonding Through Ritual,
Kinship and Sex, by William and Jean Crocker, published by Harcourt
Brace College Publishers, 1994.
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are my principal research assistants among the Canela when I am there.
We have known each other very well over a long period of time. I believe
that translating materials for years has developed the mental abilities
of these particular individuals. I also hope that my working closely with
them in their village is helping them develop ideas about how to solve
some of their people's problems. They may also pick up ideas from me about
how to help their people get along better in the Brazilian world.
Last fall I lived
among the Canela for three months to carry out a census with the help
of two Brazilian ethnologists and an American photographer. This census-taking
was more than just counting names, ages, sexes, births, deaths, and
relationships. It included many questions about how the society was
changing. The following are a few of my questions to men: Do you hunt
the larger game animals (deer, ostriches, wild boar, etc.)? How large
is the field you planted this year and with what staples (manioc, rice,
beans, etc.)? Which ones of the ancient taboos against certain foods
and sex are you practicing? Are you a Protestant or a Catholic? Does
your family sell produce in the open markets, and if so, where, to whom,
and how many kilos? Do you believe that Awkhêê (their culture
hero) is going to come back to earth to save your people? Or, do you
believe that relying on your own hard work in the farms will save your
family from the hunger that appears during the lean months of the year?
I had asked similar questions, and others, during the censuses of 1993,
1979, 1975 and 1970. Thus, I can say, after reviewing the earlier censuses,
that young Canela are losing their ability to kill large game, that
young men are planting larger farms, that the taboos are disappearing,
that fewer Canela are Protestants these days, that slightly more produce
is being sold in the markets, and that the reliance on Awkhêê
is increasing.
The book I still
hope to write will be about Canela sociocultural change over a one-hundred-year
period. When I first arrived among the Canela in 1957, Nimuendajú's
book on the Canela helped me update the years since his time there in
the 1930s. The memories of old men and women helped me learn about their
life styles from the 1890s to the 1930s. For instance, one day in 1960,
the old Antônio Diogo (about 80) took me to a village site occupied
during the 1890s to tell me about what he had done at some of the house
sites, in the plaza, and down by the swimming hole, when he was an adolescent
there. His stories are precious.
Another book that
should be written is on the Canela festival-pageant system, which is
vast, dramatic, and full of symbolism. However, I was born in 1924,
so my years are numbered. Thus, my highest priority should be working
on my archivesfield notes, photographs, videos, tape recordings,
Canela diaries, censuses, as well as my own "head notes" (memories).
I must do this to process them into a form that others can use. Our
responsibility as professionals is to pass on to posterity as much of
our research as we can. I have been blessed with excellent field conditions
among the Canela, as well as funding and support from the Smithsonian
staff. If health permits, I hope to continue adding to the record of
this admirable people.
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