Canela (Eastern Timbira), I: An Ethnographic Introduction.
By William H.Crocker
Smithsonian Contributions to Anthropology,
Number 33, 487 pages, 11 tables, 51 figures, 78 plates, 1990.
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ACROSS-THE-PLAZA KIN/AFFINES. Kin and their affines of husbands, fathers, mother’s fathers, and father’s fathers, and their reciprocals—mostly cross-cousin relationships. Husbands and male ascendants come from natal families, which in general live in houses that are situated across the plaza from the houses of their wives [III.E.2.e.(3)] [III.E.3.a.(5).(c)] [III.F.11.d] (Figures 43, 44). See also FAMILY; HOUSE
ACTS. Small, distinguishable units (ceremonial performances) of festivals, rites, rituals, or ceremonies, but not of daily activities. See also DAILY ACTS; GREAT DAYS
AGE-SET. Group of men of approximate 10-year age range, that go through the initiation festivals, are graduated together, and remain a life-long economic and political unit [II.C.4.c] [II.D.3.a,f] [III.A.2.n,q] [III.A.3.c.(3).(f)] [III.C.3] [III.D.1.c.(2)] [III.F.10] [IV.A.3.c.(1).(a),(2).(c)] (Nimuendajú, 1946:90–92, 351 [age-classes]) (Plate 40b,f) (Table 4). See also LOWER AGE-SET MOIETY; UPPER AGE-SET MOIETY
AGE-SET LEADER. See FILE LEADER
AGOUTIS. One of the three men’s societies (Kukhên: agouti, Dasyprocta aguti, a rodent) of the Masks’ and Closing Wè?tè festivals, who meet on the western side of the plaza [II.C.4.c] [III.C.6] [IV.A.3.c.(5),e] (Nimuendajú, 1946:77, 166–167, 201–212) (Table 4). See also JAGUARS; MASKS; NAME-SET TRANSMISSION
ALIEN TRIBES. The southern plaza group members (Kupẽ) of the Lower (western) plaza moiety, one of the six plaza groups of the Pepyê festival [III.C.5.a] [IV.A.3.c.(2).(a)] (Nimuendajú, 1946:77, 87–90, 194–195) (Figure 17). (Kupẽ in the 20th century has meant civilizado.) See also LOWER PLAZA MOIETY; NAME-SET TRANSMISSION
ARMADILLOS. The northern plaza group members (Awtsêt) of the Lower (western) plaza moiety of the Pepyê festival (Nimuendajú, 1946:87) (Figure 17). See also LOWER PLAZA MOIETY; NAME-SET TRANSMISSION
AUNTS. Women of ego’s father’s sister’s kin category (tùy-) including ego’s parents’ female ascendants, and others, but specifically not including ego’s mother’s sister and classificatory mothers’ sisters [In.4.i]. See also UNCLES
AWKHÊÊ. The mythical hero who established the acculturation contract according to which the índio is justified in being given extensive material goods by the civilizado with no return expected [II.B.2.d,f] [IV.C.1.b.(6)] [IV.D.6] (Nimuendajú, 1946:245–246). See also CIVILIZADO; BACKLANDER
AYRẼN. Ceremony of the Red and Black Regeneration moieties’ season during which extramarital sexual relations are socially sanctioned [III.F.4.f] [IV.A.3.f.(2)] [IV.A.4.a] (Figure 47). See also REGENERATION SEASON
BACKLANDER. Rural Portuguese-speaking farmer or rancher living near the Canela and Apanyekra reservations (Map 3) (not a Barra do Corda dweller). Translation of sertanejo; backlands: sertões. [In.4.c] [I.B.2.b] [II.d] [II.A.3.d.(1)] [II.B.1.d.(5)] [II.B.2.e,f.(3)] [II.B.2.h] [II.B.3.j.(1),l] [II.B.4] [II.B.4.k.(3)] [II.C.3.g] [II.F.2.d.(2)] [II.F.3] [III.A.2.f.(2)] [III.A.3.a.(2).(d)] [III.A.3.c.(3).(i)] [III.B.1.a.(1),b.(1)] [III.B.1.k.(1)] [III.D.1.b] [III.D.1.c.(3)] [IV.A.3.f.(5)] [IV.C.1.b.(6)] [IV.C.1.f] [IV.D.1.c.(4)] [IV.D.4.b] [V.A.5.c.(4)] [V.B.3] (Plate 72). See also CIVILIZADO
BATS. The central plaza group members (Tsêp-re) of the Upper (eastern) plaza moiety in the Pepyê festival (Nimuendajú, 1946:87) (Plate 26, Figure 17). See also UPPER PLAZA MOIETY; NAME-SET TRANSMISSION
BEGGING. A culturally accepted behavior pattern, which was little practiced by the late 1970s. This pattern served as a socioeconomic leveler and provided food for those who needed it. Traditionally, the “begger” believed in her or his right to receive and experienced no shame [II.B.2.d,f] [III.A.5.d] [III.B.1.f.(4)] [IV.A.3.c.(5).(c)] [IV.C.1.b.(6)] (Plate 48e). See also MASKS’ FESTIVAL
BLACK REGENERATION SEASON MOIETY. One of two wet season social divisions (A?tùk-mã-?khra: outside-the-village of Indians) used for ceremonial and log racing events; in opposition to the Red Regeneration moiety [II.C.4.a] [III.C.4] [IV.A.4] (Figure 25). See also RED REGENERATION SEASON MOIETY; REGENERATION SEASON; NAME-SET TRANSMISSION
BLOOD. A Canela ethnoconcept about the substance (Da Matta, 1982:51–55) of a Timbira Indian’s being, denoting blood in the scientific sense but connotating “blood” (kaprôô: blood) that is “shared” (the same “blood pool”) and “equivalent” among one-link-away kin, and to a lesser extent held in common among all kin, but its commonality lessening with the degree of genealogical “distance” away [III.E.2.b] [III.F.11.a,d] [IV.D.3.b] (Figures 38, 39, 41, 44). See also RESTRICTIONS; POLLUTIONS
BOAS. Members of the northern plaza group (Hààkha: jibóia boa constrictor) of the Upper (eastern) plaza moiety in the Pepyê festival (Nimuendajú, 1946:87) (Plate 26; Figure 17). See also UPPER PLAZA MOIETY; NAME-SET TRANSMISSION
CEREMONIAL-CHIEF-OF-THE-WHOLE-TRIBE. The title (Khrĩ-?kuni-á-më-hõõpa?hi: tribe its-whole superlative plural their-chief) is given to two Canela positions carried out only in the Pepkahàk festival’s Apikrawkraw-re act. These two positions, the highest in hàmren ranking in ceremonial honor, are transmitted down two patrilines (those of the younger Kaapêltùk and of Khrùt in the late 1950s). These positions were created around 1907 to mend a tribal schism [II.B.1.d.(1)] [III.C.7] [IV.A.3.c.(3).(d)]
CEREMONIAL CHIEF. As distinct from a Visiting Chief (Tàmhàk) and a Ceremonial-chief-of-the-whole-tribe, a ceremonial chief (më-hõõpa?hi) is either installed for the same reasons as a Visiting Chief was (between tribes), but in current times, he is installed as the sing-dance maraca master of the next younger age-set to his own. A Visiting Chief is intratribal to the Canela these days, while a ceremonial chief is intertribal unless a sing-dance master of an age-set or some other ceremonial leader. Ceremonial chiefs are honored by small gifts given them in the center of the plaza by all members of the tribe, as are urban guests, Indian service agents, and some tribal members. See also VISITING CHIEFS; CEREMONIAL-CHIEF-OF-THE-WHOLE-TRIBE; SING-DANCE LEADER
CEREMONIES. Traditional religious and secular performances that are believed to bring about a desired effect for an individual, a group, or the tribe. “Ceremony,” “ceremonies,” and “ceremonial” are general expressions that include six specific terms, each of which is heuristically distinct from the others: “festivals,” “rites,” “rituals,” “acts,” “daily acts,” and “great days.” Ceremonies are distinct from the daily activities of individuals and from the Canela daily cycle. See also DAILY ACTS; GREAT DAYS; FESTIVALS; RITES; RITUALS
CERRADO. A category of woodlands, ground cover of grass and small trees several meters apart (chapada) found in parts of Mato Grosso, Goiás, Pará, Maranhão, and other states. It is also referred to as “closed savanna” [II.A.3.b.(1),(2)] (Nimuendajú, 1946:1) (Plate 13; Figure 3). See also GALLERY FOREST
CHARCOAL AND LATEX PAINT. Solid black color (aràm-hôk: Sapium sp.) used in body painting and artifact decoration, suggestive of joking and extramarital sexual relations when applied to bodies carelessly [II.F.5.c] [III.B.1.c.(1)] [IV.A.3.f] (Nimuendajú, 1946:53) (Plates 73f, 74a, 76d). See also URUCU; FALCON DOWN
CIVILIZADO Regional expression with positive connotations used by the backlander to contrast her- or himself with the Indian (índio); used here almost only in connection with the Awkhêê acculturation myth [In.4.c] [I.A.1] [II.B.2.d,e,f.(1)] [IV.C.1.b.(6)]. See also ALIEN TRIBES; BACKLANDER
CLOSING WÈ?TÈ FESTIVAL. See WÈ?TÈ
CLOWNS. Members of the principal association (Mẽ?khên) in the Fish festival who epitomize low ceremonial status, joking, and even lying in festivals and in daily life. They are contrasted with the King Vultures (Tàmhàk) and Pepkahàk who have high ceremonial status and formality [III.B.1.h] [III.C.7.b] [IV.A.3.c.(4).(b),(c)] (Nimuendajú, 1946:351) (Plate 46).
COMMANDANT. Leader (më-?kapõn-katê: them-sweep-master) of the novices in the Khêêtúwayê and Pepyê festivals. He is chosen by the Pró-khãmmã from the next older age-set (which is one of the age-sets in the opposing age-set moiety) and, therefore, he can be strict and severe [II.D.3.d.] [III.A.4.b] [III.D.1.f.(2),i.(1)] [IV.A.3.c.(1).(c)] (Nimuendajú, 1946:193). See also DEPUTY COMMANDANT; FILE LEADER
COMPLEMENTARY PAIRS. Items that are seen culturally as being paired in a facilitating way (ipiprol: in parallel), such as women and men after marriage (they cooperate), red and black when body paints (they both enhance the health and happiness of the painted individual), and a novice and his food and sex restrictions (the latter protects the former from pollutions) [V.A.1,2]. See also PAIRINGS
CONTRIBUTING-FATHER/CO-FATHER. A male, other than the social father (husband) who is considered to have contributed biologically to a fetus by the physical addition of semen while the mother is pregnant. Both the husband and contributing-father are considered “biological” fathers and both carry out restrictions for their contributed-to children when they are ill [II.D.2.h.(1).(a)] [III.E.2.e.(3).(a)] [IV.B.2.a,b,c] [IV.D.3.b] (Nimuendajú, 1946:78, 107) (Figure 39).
CORN PLANTING CEREMONY. A ceremony that takes place in the plaza in the evening. A seated master maraca leader drops a tsù or an akàà on a mat to make rhythm while he sings traditional songs. The men (sitting in age-set moiety formation) surround him. This ceremony occurs in the Regeneration season (during November or early December) but is not part of its procedures.
CORN HARVEST RITUAL. A two day ceremony to augment the corn crop, held about March during the unnamed ceremonial period of the year between the Regeneration and Wè?tè seasons. It is haakhat-oriented and a “river” festival [II.C.4.b] [III.C.8.a] [IV.A.5.a,d] (Nimuendajú, 1946:62–63) (Plate 53; Table 4). See also CORN PLANTING CEREMONY
COUNCIL OF ELDERS. The group of all older men (ranging from their 40s into their 80s) that meets in the center of the plaza twice a day to debate daily and tribal matters. This group is distinct from the Pró-khãmmã, who are the members (the age-set) of the dominating Lower age-set moiety meeting among them [II.D.3.k] [II.E.5.b,8] [III.D.1.c.(1)] [III.D.2.a] [III.D.3.d] (Nimuendajú, 1946:352) (Figure 18). See also AGE-SET; PRÓ-KHÃMMÃ
CROW/OMAHA KINSHIP. This term is modified herein to denote two mirror-image terminological relationship systems that largely characterize Canela kinship (consanguineal and affinal). Crow-III (Lounsbury, 1964:375–377) is given preference over Omaha-III for kintype selection by the Canela whenever the rules of both systems can be applied [III.E.2.c] (Table 10; Figures 26, 27). See also KIN CATEGORY; KINTYPE
DAILY ACTS. Ceremonial acts of the second phase (the middle and the longest one) of a great “summer” Wè?tè season festival. These acts are repeated daily, such as the Khêêtúwayê novices singing in the plaza or the Pepkahàk troop passing behind the circle of houses to receive food each evening. “Daily acts” are not part of a rite or ritual, and they are distinct from a “daily activity,” which is not ceremonial. See also ACTS
DEPUTY COMMANDANT. The commandant’s assistant (më?kapõn-katê-?kahàk-re: them-sweep-master-secondary-dim.) in the Khêêtúwayê and Pepyê festivals, who is selected by the Pró-khãmmã from the ranks of the novices [1.G.4] [III.D.1 .f.(2),i.(1)] [IV.A.3.c.(1).(c.)] [Ep.4.b.(1)] (Nimuendajú, 1946:182). See also COMMANDANT; FILE LEADER
DRYHEADS. Individuals of low ceremonial rank and, in Canela belief, of relatively low personal sensitivity (më ?ka-?khrã-nkràà: Timbira generalizer-head-dry) [III.C.7] (Nimuendajú, 1946:98). See also WETHEADS
DUALISM. As used here, a conceptual system in which the culture bearers consciously or unconsciously combine material items, individuals, groups of people, ideas, or sociocultural structures into complementary or oppositional pairs [V.A.1,2,3] [V.B.3]. See also PAIRINGS
DUCKS. Members of a men’s society (Kôkayu) in the Pepkahàk festival, situated on the west side of the plaza [III.C.6] [IV.A.3.c.(3).(d)] (Nimuendajú, 1946:77, 95,140, 214–224). See also FALCONS; NAME-SET TRANSMISSION
DWARF PARROTS. Members of the central plaza group (Khêt-re) of the Lower (western) plaza moiety, one of the six plaza groups in the Pepyê festival (Nimuendajú, 1946:87) (Figure 17). See also LOWER AGE-SET MOIETY; NAME-SET TRANSMISSION
FALCON DOWN. Down (kwèn) of falcons (hàk) glued on body with resin as a decoration of highest ceremonial honor [II.F.5.a] [III.C.7.a.(2)] [IV.A.3.c.(3).(e)] (Nimuendajú, 1946:352) (Plates 27f, 30d, 39d, 44d, 53b, 57c). See also CHARCOAL AND LATEX PAINT; URUCU
FALCONS. Members of a men’s society (Hàk) in the Pepkahàk festival, situated on the eastern side of the plaza, aligned with Pepkahàk and Clowns against Ducks [III.C.6] [IV.A.3.c.(3).(d)] (Nimuendajú, 1946:352) (Plate 44b). See also DUCKS; NAME-SET TRANSMISSION
FAMILY. A consanguineal term, used occasionally to also include a man with his wife and children.
FESTIVAL OF ORANGES. A short ceremony (all night and the next morning) put on any time of the year in which sex role reversal takes place. It is reminiscent of returning from being on trek in earlier times [IV.A.3.f.(5)] (Nimuendajú, 1946:73–75) (Plate 54).
FESTIVALS. The five great “summer” Wè?tè season ceremonies (Khêêtúwayê, Pepyê, Pepkahàk, Fish, and Masks’), the Opening and Closing Wè?tè festivals, and the Festival of Oranges. “Great days,” “daily acts,” and “acts” are parts of a festival, and they are also ceremonies. Note the ceremonies excluded from the category of festivals: haakhat (when taken as a ceremony), rites, rituals. Compare [II.E.1.a,b] [III.C.8.a,b] [IV.A.2], [IV.B]. See also HAAKHAT; RITES; RITUALS
FILE LEADER/AGE-SET LEADER. The male who walks at the head of his age-set file and who is the honorary leader (mam-khyê-?ti: lead-one who-pulls much) of his age-set. Nimuendajú (1946:94) calls him the “class leader.” He may become the virtual leader of his age-set if the age-set’s Pepyê deputy commandant becomes politically weak over the years. There are two file leaders in the Khêêtúwayê festival and one file leader in the Pepyê festival and in later life [I.G.15] [II.G.3.a.(2)] [III.D.1.f.(2),i.(1).(2)] [IV.A.3.c.(1).(c)] (Nimuendajú, 1946:97, 162, 172, 174, 182, 212, fig. 12, Plate 44c). See also COMMANDANT; DEPUTY COMMANDANT
FISH. Members of two plaza groups (Tep) of the Fish festival (Tep-yalkhwa: fish songs/talk) that do not have specific names; also refers to all the plaza groups of the Fish festival except the Otters [III.C.5] [IV.A.3.c.(4)] (Nimuendajú, 1946:225–230) (Plate 46a; Figure 17). See also OTTERS
FOLK CATHOLICISM. Type of Catholicism practiced by backland people of the region around the Canela and Apanyekra reservations [1.G.13] [II.B.1.c.(3)] [II.B.2.b.(2),(3)] [II.B.3.j.(1)] [III.A.3.c.(3).(i)] [IV.A.3.d] [V.A.5.c.(4)] [Ep.4.b.(2).(e)] (Nimuendajú, 1946:241). See also BACKLANDER
FORMAL FRIENDSHIP. One of the relationship systems in which formal patterns are practiced, solidarity roles carried out, and payments are made for all services between a pair of individuals in both same-sex and cross-sex pairings. An honorary form (yê) of the personal pronoun, second and third persons singular and plural, is used in address and reference instead of the regular, informal pronouns (ka) and (kê) [I.G.15] [II.F.4] [III.A.3.b.(1).(e)] [III.A.3.c.(3).(b)] [III.E.3.c,5] [IV.A.3.c.(3).(f)] [IV.C.1.d.(1).(c)] (Nimuendajú, 1946:100–103, 352) (Plates 39, 43c, 44b,e,f). See also INFORMAL FRIENDSHIP
FURTHER-LINK KIN. Persons who are more than one genealogical link away from ego are her or his further-link kin. At two links away from ego this category, further-link kin, includes aunts/grandmothers (FZ, FM, MM), uncles/grandfathers (MB, MF, FF), and nieces/nephews/grandchildren (♀ BD, ♂ZS, CC). At three links away from ego this category, further-link kin, includes aunts/grandmothers (FZD, FMM, MMM, among others), uncles/grandfathers (FMB, MMB, PPF, among others), and grandchildren (♀MBC, ♀BDC, ♂ZSC, CCC). At four links away from ego, this category (further-link kin) includes aunts/grandmothers (FZDD, PPPM), uncles/grandfathers (MFZS, PPPF), and grandchildren (♀MBCC, ♀BDCC, ♂ZSCC, CCCC). Further-link kin do not maintain restrictions for ego when she or he is ill. They are called ego’s më-hũũakhyê. See also ONE-LINK KIN
GALLERY FOREST. The heavy vegetation lining cerrado streams sometimes as far as 100 meters or more out into the cerrado. Farm plots for raising crops must be cut out of these wet areas because no crops can be raised in the sandy, infertile cerrado [II.A.3.b.(2),c.(1)] [II.B.2.f.(4)] (Nimuendajú, 1946:1, 59) (Maps 7, 8; Figure 4). See also CERRADO
GÊ. Language family to which the Canela language belongs [II.A.1].
GIRL ASSOCIATE. A girl chosen, usually two (më kuytswè), to be members of a male group: such as an age-set, men’s society, plaza group, the Clowns, and daily work groups [II.D.2.e] [II.E.5.f,6.a] [II.G.3.c.(1)] [III.A.2.j.(6).(c)] [III.C.9] [III.D. 1.c.(2)] [IV.A.3.e.(2)] [IV.B.1.h] (Nimuendajú, 1946:353, pl. 37c, 41b,c) (Plates 36d, 43a,b,d, 44e, 45c). The term kuytswè is also applied to males who accompany a female group, such as in the Festival of Oranges [IV.A.3.f.(5)] (Plate 54). See also WÈ?TÈ
GREAT DAYS. Principal ceremonial acts of the second phase (the middle and longest one) of any of the five great “summer” Wè?tè season festivals. These acts occur two to four times over a period of six weeks to three months, and are largely repetitions of each other. Their themes may constitute a progression toward a goal, such as the “growth” of the novices in the Pepyê festival. Great quantities of food are collected and eaten to celebrate the great days. Examples of great days are the novices singing the Ayèk songs (Khêêtúwayê), the plaza group uncles looking at the “growth” of their interned nephews (Pepyê), and the group of “other wives” taking concealed cords from the bodies of their “other husbands” in the Pepkahàk troop (Pepkahàk). “Great days” are not found in rites or rituals. See also ACTS; DAILY ACTS
HAAKHAT. A ceremony owned by a haakhat (defined as a household or set of houses) and transmitted down the generations sometimes through matrilineality, sometimes through name-set transmission, and sometimes through both, mixed in an unpredictable manner. The term haakhat also can be defined as the location in a household or set of houses where the ceremony is owned. Ceremonies excluded from the category haakhat are festivals; daily acts; great days; rites.
HÀMREN. A high ceremonial male rank of a number of levels. An individual characteristic (“wetheadedness”) of great sensitivity, honor, and noblesse-oblige [I.G.14] [II.E.7.c] [II.F.5.a] [III.B.1.h.(2)] [III.C.7.a] [III.D.2.c.(3)] [III.D.3.e.(3)] [IV.A.3.c.(1).(c),(3).(e)] (Nimuendajú, 1946:97–100, 353) (Plates 25a, 27f, 44c, 52a; Figure 45). See also PEP-KHWÈY
HEARINGS. Legal trials (audiências: më aypẽn pa: they to-each-other listen) held between the members of two consanguineal extended families to determine whether an offense was committed and how much should be paid between the families [II.D.2.i.(4)] [II.E.5.d,e] [III.D.1.c.(4)] [III.D.3] [III.F.4.c.(1)] [III.F.5,6].
HEARTH. A family cooking place (hàwmrõ) consisting of rocks supporting pots. Hàwmrõ is also the economic unit composed of the several wife-husband-children groups of the same extended consanguineal family that live under one roof and share most of their food. Each wife-husband-children group, however, eats separately, after receiving part or all of its food from the larger hàwmrõ group [II.D.2.i.(5),j.(1)] [III.E.2.e.(1)] [III.F.7] (Plates 8a, 16a; Figure 22).
HOUSE. A protective structure in which people live, but also the location of ego’s relatives: where a female lives and was born, and where a male was born—in this sense, a consanguineally related term, never an affinally related one. One house may be a segment of a longhouse, or one house may constitute a longhouse. Similarly, part of a house (one person or one matrilineal family), the whole house, or several houses may constitute a haakhat, taken as a physical protective structure or a series of such structures. See also HAAKHAT
INCEST. Any sexual relationship between persons of the opposite sex who are believed to be consanguineally related (even distantly) or between Formal Friends (to ayprè) [III.A.2.j.(3),(4)] [III.F.3]. See also BLOOD; KIN
INDIAN SERVICE. The Brazilian federal government agency responsible for the care of all Indians living in a tribal, but not an urban, state. The agency was known as the Serviço de Proteção aos Índios (SPI) before 1968 and the Fundação Nacional do Índio (FUNAI) since then [I.H] [II.A.3.d.(2)] [II.B.2.b.(1),f.(5)] [II.B.2.d] [II.B.2.i.(2),(4)] [II.B.3.e] [II.B.3.f,g,h,i] [II.B.4 .k.(1)] [II.C.3.g] [II.F.2.d.(1)] [III.A.2.i.(2)] [III.A.2.s] [III.A.3.c.(3)] [III.D.1.c.(4), f.(3)] [III.D.1.g.(1).(a)] [III.D.3.f] [III.F.9.a] [IV.A.3.f.(7)] (Plates 2b, 5b, 11; Maps 5, 6; Figures 1, 2, 7, 9,10).
INFORMAL FRIENDSHIP. One of the terminological relationship systems, the one in which certain men of the same age-set treat each other with marked informality and joking. Such relationships (they address or refer to each other as i-khwê-?nõ: my-group-one) are formed between boys and youths for life during an initiation festival, and sometimes a boy or youth forms this relationship with an initiation festival girl associate [III.E.6] [IV.A.3.c.(1).(e),(2).(b)] (Nimuendajú, 1946:104, 191) (Plate 39b). See also FORMAL FRIENDSHIP
INITIATION FESTIVALS. A term for the Khêêtúwayê and Pepyê festivals, in which an age-set participates 4 or 5 times over a 10-year period and is trained and graduated into a solidarity group. See also KHÊÊTÚWAYÊ; PEPYÊ; NKREL-RE
INTERNMENT. Confinement of either sex (usually in the individual’s maternal house) in a large room (Khêêtúwayê), in an especially made cell (Pepyê), or in a small corner shielded by mats (e.g., for ear-piercing) to protect the individual from pollutions and life weakening dangers (e.g., from sunlight, trash, sexual liquids, menstrual blood, evil eye) when the individual is in a liminal or weakened state (e.g., at puberty, when ill, when in mourning) [II.D.2.a,b,c,f.(1)] [II.D.3.b,c,d,g][II.F.5.d] [II.G.3.b.(2),(6)] [III.A.2.n.(2),o,q] [III.F.4.i] [IV.A.3.c.(1).(a)] [IV.A.3.c.(2).(a)] [IV.A.3.c.(3).(a),(f)] [IV.A.3.d,7.e] [IV.B.2.c] [IV.D.3.f] (Nimuendajú, 1946:356 [seclusion]) (Plates 41a, 42a,b,d,e). See also POLLUTIONS; RESTRICTIONS
INTERNMENT FESTIVALS. The three (Khêêtúwayê, Pepyê, and Pepkahàk) festivals in which the principal group of each festival is interned to separate the members of this group from the rest of the tribe [III.A.3.c.(3).(f)]. See also INITIATION FESTIVALS
JAGUARS. One of the three men’s societies (Rop) of the Masks’ and Closing Wè?tè festivals, which is situated on the eastern side of the plaza and which harasses the Agoutis on the western side [III.C.6] [IV.A.3.c.(5).(a)] [IV.A.3.e] (Nimuendajú, 1946:353). See also AGOUTIS; MASKS
-KAHÀK. Suffix denoting secondary, facsimile, lesser, false. See also —MPEY
KARÕ. Ghost of a recently dead Brazilian or animal or spirit of a botanical or mineral item; shadow or a photograph [IV.C.2.a,c.(1),e] [IV.D.1.c] (Nimuendajú, 1946:356 [souls]). See also Mẽ-KARÕ
KATÀM-TI/-RE. The cylindrical log style (long and thin) and the set of log races of the Black Regeneration season moiety [III.C.4.c.(1)] [IV.A.4.b] (Plate 75b). See also WAKMÊ-?TI/-RE
KAY. See SHAMAN
KHÊÊTÚWAYÊ. The first (prepubertal) of the two initiation festivals, in which boys are interned away from their families with their age-set members and sing songs in the plaza attracting ghosts several times a day [II.D.3.a] [II.F.1.c.(1)] [II.G.3.b.(1)] [III.A.2.n] [III.C.3.a] [III.C.5.b] [III.D.1.f.(2)] [IV.A.3.c.(1)] [IV.A.7.b] [IV.C.2.b] (Nimuendajú, 1946:171–179, 353) (Plate 41). See also INITIATION FESTIVALS; INTERNMENT FESTIVALS; NKREL-RE; PEPYÊ
-KHWÈY. Feminine suffix for girl or woman (not for an animal).
KIN. A consanguineal term, never used affinally. See also FAMILY; HOUSE; RELATIVE
KIN CATEGORY. Includes all the “kintypes” in one term of reference (e.g., tùy or kêt). See also CROW/OMAHA KINSHIP; KINTYPE
KINTYPE. A genealogical relationship through specific linkages (e.g., MM, FM, FZ, and FZD are all different kintypes of the one kin category, tùy, for the Canela). “Kintype” is used here as in Scheffler and Lounsbury, 1971 [III.E.2.e] (Table 10). See also CROW/OMAHA KINSHIP; KIN CATEGORY
KNOWLEDGEABLE, KNOWLEDGEABILITY. Shamanic abilities (amyi-ya?khre-pey: sabido) of the much earlier ancestral people, including self-transformation into animal, botanical, and mineral forms, speaking to and understanding animals, and performing such great feats as moving mountains. Most very earlier ancestors possessed such capacities, and the few that did not were referred to as being amyi-ya?khre-?khêt (self knowing-capacity not: besta: stupid) [IV.D.6]. See also SHAMAN
LODGE. See SITTING PLACE
LONGHOUSE. Metaphorically one or more houses (ikhre-rùù: house-long) along the village circle, the physical structures that house an extended family, related through all female consanguineal linkages, that tends to be exogamous [III.E.2.e.(2),(3)] (Figures 24, 25). See also HEARTH; HAAKHAT
LOWER AGE-SET MOIETY. One (Harã-?katêyê: lower opposing-people) of the two groups (Upper and Lower) making up the age-set moiety system. Nimuendajú (1946:355) called this group the “western” age class moiety because its members meet on the western side of the plaza. He claimed this system had been exogamous. See also AGE-SET; UPPER AGE-SET MOIETY
LOWER PLAZA MOIETY. One (harã-rum-më-nkàà-tsâ: lower-side-people-plaza-placed) of the two halves (Upper and Lower) making up the plaza moiety system. This moiety is composed of the three plaza groups: Armadillos, Dwarf Parrots, and Alien Tribes. It functions as a moiety in the Khêêtúwayê festival and each plaza group functions separately in the Pepyê festival [III.C.5] [IV.A.3.c.(1).(a)] [IV.A.3.c.(2).(a)] (Nimuendajú, 1946:77, 87–90) (Plate 41c; Figure 17). See also UPPER AGE-SET MOIETY; ALIEN TRIBES; ARMADILLOS; DWARF PARROTS
MASKS. One of the three men’s societies (Ku?khrùt-re) of the Masks’ festival, placed on the eastern side of the plaza, who are also in the Closing Wè?tè festival [III.B.1.f.(4)] [III.C.3.e] [III.C.6]. See also AGOUTIS; JAGUARS; NAME-SET TRANSMISSION
MASKS’ FESTIVAL. A river-oriented festival (Ku?khrùt-re?hô) that justifies “begging” and encourages generosity. Members wear life-size masks of several kinds and frolic in the plaza [II.C.4.c] [II.G.3.b.(10)] [III.C.8.a] [IV.A.3.c.(5),d] (Nimuendajú, 1946:355 [mummers], pls. 38, 39) (Plates 48, 49). See also BEGGING; RIVER-ORIENTED CEREMONIES
MATRILINE. A succession of female descendants: a woman, her daughter, her granddaughter, her great granddaughter, etc. (not including men) [III.E.2.d] [IV.A.7.a.(3)] [IV.B.2.c] (Figures 21, 39, 41, 42, 44).
MATRILINEAL. Descending through the female line to women and their male kin, describing in particular the descent of the possession of certain rituals, especially those found in a haakhat in the Fish festival and in the unnamed intermediary ceremonial season of the annual cycle between the Regeneration and Wè?tè seasons [II.C.4.b] [III.C.8.a] [IV.A.3.c.(4)] [IV.A.5,7.a.(2)] (cf. Nimuendajú, 1946:354). See also HAAKHAT
MEAT PIES. Manioc mass (dough), vegetables, and meat wrapped in wild banana leaves, formed into circular pies 1/3 to 1 meter in diameter and baked out-of-doors by being covered with hot rocks, leaves, and earth, and used in daily consumption as well as in ceremonial exchanges [II.D.2.f.(2)] [II.E.7.c] [II.G.3.b.(9)] [III.D.2.c.(3)] [III.F.4.d,e,f] [IV.A.3.f.(2)] [IV.B.1.h.(4)] [IV.B.2.d.] (Plates 22, 23).
MEDICINE. Herbs, leaves, bark, ground wood, etc., (më ?ka?hêk tsà: Timbira’s curing-device) used to rid the body of “pollutions,” usually drunk as infusions; or the eyes are exposed to vapors of such liquid mixtures, especially to extend their “vision” to “see” game for success in hunting; used both medically and to attain an alternative state of consciousness [IV.D.41] [V.A.5.c.(3).(b)] (Nimuendajú, 1946:236–237).
MË-KARÕ. Ghosts of recently dead Eastern Timbira [IV.A.3.c.(1).(b),(d)] [IV.D.1.c] (Nimuendajú, 1946:356 [souls]). See also KARÕ
MESSENGER BOY. An elite young novice (one of two) in the initiation festivals, who go back and forth with messages (më krat to ipa katê-re: they gourd-bowl with go agent-dim.) from the leaders of the novices to their commandant or to other persons of significance in the village [IV.A.3.c.(1).(c)] (Nimuendajú, 1946:182, 193). See also COMMANDANT; FILE LEADER
MESSIANIC MOVEMENT. As happened among the Canela in 1963, a religious cult formed during stressful times with a messiah predicting a millennium [II.B.2.d,f].
-MPEY. Suffix denoting good, beautiful, real, primary. See also -KAHÀK
MPÍYAPIT. A woman, with or without children, with no spouse. For this reason, she is considered sexually unattached and therefore more available for group sexual service. This was a principal alternative state to marriage and was respected in earlier times. Such a woman lived with her mother and sisters, worked a separate farm plot from theirs, and was partly supported by her lovers (Nimuendajú, 1946:130–131, 357 [wanton]). A man without a spouse may be referred to by the same term [II.D.2.i.(6)] [II.E.5.f,6.a] [III.D.1.c.(1).(d)] [III.F.4.b.(2)] [IV.A.3.f.(3)] [IV.B.2.d.(6)] [IV.C.1.b.(6)]. See also NKREKRE-RE
NAME-SET TRANSMISSION. A personal naming system for passing on a set of family names, usually a man to his classificatory sister’s son and a woman to her classificatory brother’s daughter. One of the relationship systems through which all men become members of the men’s societies and plaza groups, and other ceremonial positions, during the various annual festivals [II.D.1.b] [II.G.3.a.(3),(8)] [II.G.3.b.(3)] [III.A.3.a.(1).(b)] [III.C.4.b,5,6,8.a] [III.E.3.a.(5).(b)] [III.E.4] [IV.A.5.e.(3)] [IV.A.7.a.(1)] [IV.B.1.c] (Nimuendajú, 1946:109–111, 355) (Plate 51d; Figures 35–37).
NKREKRE-RE. A “free” stage in the life-cycle of women and men, after belt-painting for her and age-set graduation for him, but before childbirth for both, when both sexes are free to have many sexual affairs. See also MPÍYAPIT; NKREL-RE
NKREL-RE (sing-dance dim.). A term for the two initiation festivals: the Khêêtúwayê and the Pepyê. See also INITIATION FESTIVALS; INTERNMENT FESTIVALS
NOVICES. The boys or young men being initiated in an initiation festival (Plate 40b). They constitute the entire membership of an age-set and “progress” as a group through four or five initiation festivals and graduate as an age-set (Nimuendajú, 1946:353 [initiation]). See also AGE-SET; KHÊÊTÚAYÊ; PEPYÊ
OFFICERS. Found only in the three internment festivals, the officers comprise a ceremonially elitist group including the commandants, deputy commandants, file leaders, girl associates, messenger boys, and the two very young boys (mẽ ?khra-re: pl. child-dim.). Excepting the latter two, the officers eat and meet apart from the rest of the body of interned males.
ONE-LINK KIN. Persons who are just one genealogical link away from ego are her or his immediate parents, siblings, and children. Siblings are included as one-link kin because all uterine siblings are considered to be born off the same umbilical cord. Moreover, ego’s siblings, parents, and children share equivalent “blood” with ego and therefore have to maintain “restrictions” for ego when ego is ill, as ego does for them when they are ill. Thus ego’s one-link kin are called her or his “restrictions” kin. Ego’s contributing-fathers are included as her or his one-link kin. See also FURTHER-LINK KIN; RESTRICTIONS
OPENING WÈ?TÈ FESTIVAL. See WÈ?TÈ
OPPOSITIONAL PAIRS. Items that are seen culturally as being paired in an oppositional way, such as two festival societies positionally facing each other across the plaza (aypën kaypúwa: related facing), two tribes hostilely engaged (aypën kurê: related hostilely), and individuals (Indians and ghosts) representing two culturally confronting world dimensions (aypën kunãã-mã: related confronting) [V.A.1,2]. See also PAIRINGS
OTTERS (River). The most prestigious plaza group (Têt-re) of the six plaza groups in the Fish festival, which occupies the central position on the eastern side of the plaza (held by the Bats in the Pepyê festival), and which is distinguished by having only one girl associate [IlI.C.5,6.a,9] [IV.A.3.c.(4).(a)] (Nimuendajú, 1946:225–330, pl. 42) (Figure 17). See also UPPER PLAZA MOIETY; NAME-SET TRANSMISSION
PACIFICATION. This extrasocietal reorientation of a tribe has occurred when its people turn themselves over to ultimate national Brazilian control (formerly to pioneers and their troops, and since 1910 to the Indian service) through forsaking warfare and accepting Brazilian protection, medicine, and trade goods.
PA?HI. The Canela term for a new kind of tribal first chief whose office evolved in the 1830s. While already one of the chiefs recognized by the Pró-khãmmã, the pa-?hi (our[dual inclusive]-bone) was designated the chief-of-the-tribe by backland politicians who wanted primarily a person they could communicate with and through whom they could control the tribe. See also CEREMONIAL-CHIEF-OF-THE-WHOLE-TRIBE; VISITING CHIEF; CEREMONIAL CHIEF
PAIRINGS, PAIRS. Expressions (aypën katê: to-each-other paired) used here for traditionally matched (consciously or unconsciously) items, entities, or concepts, i.e., more specific terms than dualism. Such pairings can be combined in a complementary or an oppositional manner [V.A.1,2]. See also COMPLEMENTARY PAIRS; DUALISM; OPPOSITIONAL PAIRS
PEPKAHÀK. The interned group in the Pepkahàk festival. Also one of the five Wè?tè season festivals and the third internment one, during which adults experience once again the adolescent practice of maintaining severe food and sex restrictions against pollutions and enhance their individual abilities in sustaining help and developing skills [II.B.1.d.(1)] [II.F.5.a] [II.G.3.a.(2),b.(8)] [III.C.6,7,9] [IV.A.3.c.(3)] [IV.A.7.a.(3),e] (Nimuendajú, 1946:212- 225, 355) (Plates 5a, 44, 45). See also INTERNMENT FESTIVALS
PEP-KHWÈY. The six internment festival girl associates and the two Wè?tè girls are hàmren in ceremonial status because they are appointed to these eight offices by the Pró-khãmmã. The women in the positions, and their living predecessors, were referred to as pep-khwèy (warrior woman) rather than as hâmren, meaning the same thing. By the 1970s however, hàmren was being used for women, and pep-khwèy was rarely heard. See also HÀMREN
PEPYÊ. One of the five Wè?tè season festivals, and the second internment and initiation festival, during which adolescents are trained to practice severe food and sex restrictions against pollutions and to move around as disciplined, accepting, and obedient members of an age-set. The final Pepyê performance graduates these novices, or initiates, into a mature age-set [II.C.4.c] [II.D.3.d,f] [II.F.1.c.(4),5.e] [II.G.3.a.(2)] [II.G.3.b.(2),(3),(4),(5),(6),(7)] [III.A.2.q,3.c.(3).(f)] [III.B.1.d.(1)] [III.C.3.a] [III.C.5.b] [III.D.1.i.(1)] [III.D.2.b.(1),(6)] [III.E.5,6,10] [IV.A.3.b,c.(2)] [IV.A.3.c.(3).(f)] [IV.A.3.d] [IV.A.7.e] [IV.C.1.b.(7).(b)] (Nimuendajú, 1946:179–201, 355) (Plates 42, 43). See also AGE-SET; NOVICES; INTERNMENT FESTIVALS; INITIATION FESTIVALS; KHÊÊTÚWAYÊ
POLLUTIONS. Liquids (ampoo kakô ?khên: something liquid it-bad) believed to enter the body largely in the form of meat juices, progressively poisoning and weakening it. Sexual fluids of a polluted person weaken another person through transferring the pollutions during sexual intercourse. Carrying out restrictions against consuming certain foods and against having sex, prevent such “pollutions” from weakening the body [IV.D.3]. See also INTERNMENT; MEDICINE; RESTRICTIONS; BLOOD
POWERS. The capacity given an individual, at the time she or he is cured by a ghost and thereby made a shaman, to cure specific illnesses, to “throw” spells of witchcraft (hũũtsùù) into people, and to carry out traditional shamanic activities in general [IV.D.1.d] (Nimuendajú, 1946:235–240, 356 [snake doctor]). See also SHAMAN; SHAMANISM
PRÓ-KHÃMMÃ. The Lower moiety age-set members in their 40s, 50s, or 60s who, for about 20 years, lead the council of elders, govern the festivals, balance the power of the chief, bestow items of honor on individuals, and receive meat pies in the plaza [II.D.2.f,3.e] [II.E.7.c] [II.G.3.a.(1),(2),(6),(7),b.(7)] [III.A.3.b.(3)] [III.C.3.b,f] [III.C.5.c,6.b,8.b,9] [III.D.1.e] [III.D.2.b,c] [III.D.2.d.(2).(a)] [IV.A.3.c.(4)] [IV.A.7.a.(4)] [IV.C.1.d.(1).(c)] (Nimuendajú, 1946:352 [councilors]) (Figures 19, 24). See also COUNCIL OF ELDERS
-RE. Suffix denoting the diminutive (“dim.” in translations).
RED REGENERATION SEASON MOIETY. One of the two wet (rainy) season divisions (Kàà-mã-?khra: plaza-of-Indians) associated with the plaza in contrast to outside the village, with the color red in contrast to black, and with coin-shaped racing logs in contrast to cylindrical ones. See also BLACK REGENERATION SEASON MOIETY; REGENERATION SEASON; SEASON
REGENERATION SEASON. One of the two annual named ceremonial seasons (about October through mid-January). The wet season (Nimuendajú’s “rainy season”: Mẽipimràk: they change-and-change) in contrast to the dry (Wè?tè) season. During the Regeneration season, the Red moiety vies with the Black moiety [II.C.4.a] [III.C.4] [III.F.4.f] [IV.A.3.f.(2)] [IV.A.4] (Nimuendajú, 1946:356 [rainy season, rainy season moieties]) (Figure 25). See also SEASON
RELATIVE. A consanguineal term, never used affinally. See also KIN
RESTRICTIONS. Similar to taboos, but more easily seen as restraints (resguardos: ipiyakri-tsà) (but less so for women) against consuming foods with pollutions or against receiving pollutions through sexual relations. Canela believe that no man can have a strong character, be a good hunter, or run rapidly under the noonday sun, if he has not maintained severe postpubertal restrictions [II.D.2.b,c,f.(1)] [II.D.3.b,c.(1),d,g,i.(5)] [II.F.5.d] [II.G.3.b.(2)] [III.A.2.o,q,r] [III.A.3.b.(1).(a),c] [III.A.3.b.(2).(a)] [III.A.3.c.(2).(a)] [III.A.3.c.(3).(a),(f)][III.E.2.b] [III.F.11.a] [IV.A.3.c.(2).(a)] [IV.A.7.e] [IV.B.1.e,f,h.(3)] [IV.B.2.c.(1)] [IV.C.1.b.(5)] [IV.D.1.c.(2),(4)] [IV.D.1.e.(3)] [IV.D.3.a,c,d.(1),e,f] [V.A.5.b.(2)] (Nimuendajú, 1946:365 [taboos]). See also INTERNMENT; PEPYÊ; POLLUTIONS
RITES. Ceremonies oriented to the individual that are put on for the individual by the individual’s kindred. “Rites,” “individual rites,” and “life-cycle rites” (e.g., woman’s belt painted red by female in-laws, male ear-piercing) are synonymous here, but these three expressions do not include all rites of passage of traditional anthropology, because some rites of passage are put on for the individual when the individual is part of a tribally oriented festival group (e.g., girls winning their belts as girl associates to a male group, males graduating through participation in initiation festivals into an adult age-set for life). Note the ceremonies excluded from the category of rites: daily acts, great days, haakhat (when defined as a ceremony), festivals, rituals [II.D.2.a,b,c,d,f.(1),h.(2)] [II.D.3.b,c,g] [III.A.2.j.(2).(a),o] [III.E.4.a] [III.F.4.a,c,d,e,f,h,i,j] [IV.B] (Plates 24,25,30, 31).
RITUALS. Ceremonies owned by a haakhat and passed on to remain within the haakhat through matrilineality, through name-set transmission, or through a combination of both. Note the ceremonies excluded from the category of rituals: daily acts, festivals, great days, rites [II.C.4.b] [III.C.8] [III.D.2.c.(1)] [IV.A.5.c,d,e.(2)] [IV.A.7.a.(2)] [IV.C.1.b.(4)] (Plates 47a,c, 50, 51, 53). See also HAAKHAT
RIVER-ORIENTED CEREMONIES. Festivals and rituals with some occurrences of the haakhat, or with the haakhat combined with name-set transmission, such as the Fish, Masks’, and Closing Wè?tè festivals, and the Sweet Potato, Corn, and Pàlrà rituals. In their ethnohistory, the Canela (but not the Apanyekra) lived on the banks of a large river. Hypothetically, the haakhat and its matrilineality were developed there in connection with more sedentary agriculture [III.C.8] [IV.A.3.c.(4),(5),d,e] [IV.A.5.c,d,e.(2)] [IV.A.7.a.(2)] [IV.C.1.b.(7).(b)] (Plates 46–53). See also HAAKHAT; SITTING PLACE
SEASON. Used in a ceremonial context, there are three seasons: (1) Regeneration season (starting with the Red versus Black Regeneration moiety foot race, sometime in October, and ending with a final Red-style log race in January); (2) an unnamed season (starting after the final Red-style log race and beginning the next day with a Corn-style log race in January and continuing up to the Opening Wè?tè festival starting sometime in very late March through to very late May); and (3) Wè?tè season (starting with the beginning of the Opening Wè?tè festival and ending with the final acts (Pyêk-re Yõ and Tsêp-re Yalkhwa) of the Closing Wè?tè festival, which occur only a few minutes before the Red versus Black Regeneration moiety foot race). Considering “season” in the context of log racing styles, there are only two seasons: there is the Regeneration time of Red-style versus Black-style racing (më-ipimràk-khãm), which corresponds in timing to the ceremonial Regeneration season, and there is the age-set moiety time of age-set moiety-style racing (më-hakhrã-khãm), which corresponds in timing to include both the unnamed and the Wè?tè ceremonial seasons. Considering “season” in the context of climate and weather, backlanders, the people of Barra do Corda, and currently the Canela use “summer” (verão) to refer to the relatively dry months of June through August, and “winter” (inverno) to refer to the very wet months of December through March. They do not use the Portuguese words for spring and fall. Earlier, the Canela used amkràà-khãm (dry in/time, and other expressions) for “summer,” meaning the dry period, and ta-khãm (rain in/time) for “winter.”
SECLUSION. See INTERNMENT
SHAMAN. An individual (kay), almost always a man, to whom ghosts have given “powers” with which he can carry out some psychic activities, cure certain illnesses, and cast damaging spells, although he usually does not do the latter. In earlier times, shamanic attributes were termed amyiya?khre-pey (self-knowing-well: sabido: knowledgeable) [I.G.10,13,14] [III.A.2.n.(1)] [III.A.3.c.(2).(c)] [IV.D.1, 6] (Nimuendajú, 1946:235–240, 356 [snake doctor]) (Plates 68c, 70c, 71a, 75a). See also KNOWLEDGEABLE; POWERS; SHAMANISM
SHAMANISM. Certain religious, psychic, or shamanic behaviors found among tribal peoples. The English word “shamanic” or the Canela words kay (a shaman or the shamanic) and amyi-ya?khre-pey (self-know/show-well: knowledgeability), and sometimes “psychic,” are used here [IV.D.1,6]. See also SHAMAN
SHAME. Partly, behavior that is inhibited by tradition [III.A.3.c.(3).a] [III.D.3.e.(4)].
SING-DANCE LEADER. A specialist (nkrel-katê: sing-dance master) in singing and in leading social sing-dancing groups or certain festival acts with or without a gourd rattle (maraca) or belt rattle [II.D.3.i.(3)] [II.E.3.b,4.a,7.a] [II.F.1.a] [II.G.3.a.(3),e.(3)] (Nimuendajú, 1946:356, pl. 32b,c [precentor]). See also CEREMONIAL CHIEF
SITTING PLACE. Specific physical locations (më ?khrïn-tsà: their sitting-place), according to the cardinal directions, in houses on the village circle held “forever” for age-sets, plaza groups, men’s societies, and other festival groups, but only at traditionally specified times during particular festivals. These locations are not determined by name-set transmission or matrilineality. House owners who happen to live in such festival locations (see Nimuendajú 1946:210 [lodges]) serve such festival groups rather than owning them. The Pró-khãmmã do not move these “sitting places” nor change the family serving them [III.C.8.b]. See also HAAKHAT
SOCIOCULTURAL SECTORS. Heuristic divisions of the entire sociocultural system of a people along lines where the perception of such separations into parts is relatively clear and easy to make. (I prefer this expression to “domains” because of its greater flexibility in that there can be large and very small sociocultural sectors and the emphasisis is on the concept “sociocultural.”)
STANDING PLACE. Same as “sitting place,” but much less time is spent in a “standing place” (më ?ku?hê-tsà: their standing-place). See also SITTING PLACE
STAR-WOMAN. The culture heroine in an origin myth who showed the Canela and Apanyekra what foods were already growing and edible in the environment such as corn, squash, and buriti [IV.C.1.b.(4)].
SUMMER INSTITUTE OF LINGUISTICS (SIL). Also called Wycliffe Bible Translators (based in Huntington Beach, California), an organization that specializes in giving Protestant missionaries advanced training in linguistics so that they can bring Christianity to communities throughout the world by translating most of the New Testament into their languages [II.B.3.a.(2)] [Ep.5.d] (Figures 11, 24).
SWEET POTATO RITUAL. A haakhat-oriented ceremony (Hôtswa: leaf-pointed) held in early February to augment the sweet potato harvest [II.C.4.b] [II.F.5.e] [III.B.1.c.(1),(4)] [III.C.8.a] [IV.A.5.c] (Nimuendajú, 1946:356) (Plate 47a,c; Table 4). See also HAAKHAT
-TI (-?ti). The augmentative suffix (indicated as “aug.” in translations), meaning large, big, more.
TÀMHÀK. See VISITING CHIEFS
TOWN CRIER. A responsible man (më-hààpôl-katê: them urge-on master) is selected by the Pró-khãmmã and put into office by the tribe through a ceremonial chief day celebration. He announces the news of a morning or evening council meeting to the whole village by singing it out from the edge of the plaza to the people in the houses. He does not become hàmren by virtue of his position as the town crier [II.D.3.i.(4)] [IV.A.3.f.(6)].
TSÙ?KATÊ-RE. Two ceremonial (hàmren) individuals, whose roles are transmitted through name-set transmission, who signal the opening or closing of certain festival acts. With the Wè?tè girls, the girl associates of the internment festivals, the file leaders of the internment festivals, and some other hàmren individuals, the Tsù?katê-re comprise an informal, daily life ceremonial elite but are particularly associated with the Wè?tè girls [II.G.3.a.(3)] [IV.A.3.e] [IV.A.5.e.(1)] [IV.A.7.d] (Nimuendajú, 1946:165, fig. 10) (Plates 50c, 52a). See also HÀMREN; WÈ?TÈ
UNCLES. Generally a Crow kin category relative (kêt-), including MB M "B,” MF, FF, and other kintypes, but not FB or F"B.” “Uncles,” for this publication, may include ego’s naming-uncle and her or his advising-uncle as well as non-uncle kin category individuals who have assumed the roles of ego’s naming-uncle or “advising-uncle.” For instance, research assistants say that traditionally a girl’s “uncles” go hunting for her when she is in seclusion after having won her belt, but the actual hunter may be her father or the group of “uncles” may include her father [In.4.i] [II.D.1.b,c] [II.D.2.i.(4)] [II.D.3.b,c,g] [II.E.7.b] [II.G.3.a.(1),(2),(3)] [III.A.2.j.(3),k.(2)] [III.A.2.o,p,r.(l),s] [III.A.3.a.(1).(b),(2).(i)] [III.A.3.b.(1 ).(a),(b),(d)] [III.B.1.c.(1)] [III.C.4,5,6] [III.D.2.d.(1)] [III.D.3.b] [III.E.2.a,b,c,d] [III.E.4],[II.F.4.c] [IV.A.3.c.(1).(b),(2).(a)] [IV.A.5.e.(3)] [IV.A.7.a.(1),(2)] [IV.B.1.c,e] [IV.C.1.b.(6),c.(6)] (Nimuendajú, 1946:354 [maternal uncle]) (Figures 14, 15). See also AUNTS; NAME-SET TRANSMISSION
UPPER AGE-SET MOIETY. A daily activity moiety as well as a festival one (Khèy-katêyê: upper opposing-people) composed of three or four age-sets, each about 20 years apart in members’ average age (Nimuendajú, 1946:90–92 [eastern age class moiety]). Membership is virtually unchangeable and recruitment is by approximate age and male only [III.C.3] (Figure 24). See also AGE-SET; LOWER AGE-SET MOIETY
UPPER PLAZA MOIETY. A festival activity moiety (khêy-rum-mẽ-nkàà-tsà: upper-side-people-plaza-placed) appearing in the Khêêtúwayê, Pepyê, and Fish festivals and composed of three plaza groups: Boas, Bats, and Vultures [III.C.5] (Nimuendajú, 1946:87–90, 225, 355 [eastern plaza moiety]) (Figure 17). See also LOWER PLAZA MOIETY; BOAS; BATS; VULTURES
URUCU. Red grease (pù: Bixa orellana) used in body painting and artifact decoration, extracted from berries of a bush often grown by the Canela. In cities, urucu often can be bought to color food [II.F.5.b] (Nimuendajú, 1946:357) (Plate 78d). See also CHARCOAL AND LATEX PAINT; FALCON DOWN
VISITING CHIEFS. A set of male individuals (Tàmhàk) who appear in festival acts only twice (in the Pepkahàk festival) but who hold an elite rank to some extent in daily as well as ceremonial life. They constitute a high ceremonial honor (hàmren) group of intratribal, intersubtribal unit Visiting Chiefs. The Canela (not the Apanyekra) have tribal remnants of formerly independent tribes now living within the Canela tribe. (Eastern Timbira tribal membership is father to son and mother to daughter.) Members of one tribal remnant select a Visiting Chief in each of the other remnants. As a modern continuation of this ancient practice, the Canela have appointed, decorated, and installed two visiting chiefs among the Apanyekra whom they hold responsible for feeding and housing them when they happen to visit the Apanyekra village, but these modern visiting chiefs are called më-hõõpa?hi (their ceremonial-chief) rather than Tàmhàk [II.D.3.i.(2).(b)] [II.G.3 .b.(8)] [III.C.7.a] [IV.A.3.c.(3).(d),(e)] [IV.C.1.d.(1).(a),(b)] [V.A.5.b.(1).(b)] (Nimuendajú, 1946:353–354 [King Vultures]) (Plate 28e,f). See also CEREMONIAL CHIEFS
VULTURES. The southern plaza group (tsôn: urubu) of the Upper (eastern) plaza moiety, one of the six plaza groups in the Pepyê festival (Figure 17). See also UPPER PLAZA MOIETY; NAME-SET TRANSMISSION
WAKMÊ-?TI/-RE. The wheel/coin log style (a thin slice) and the set of log races of the Red Regeneration season moiety. See also KATÀM-TI/-RE
WAYTIKPO. A sing-dance in the center of the plaza while the sun is setting during the Pepyê and Pepkahàk festivals. This sing-dance is the culminating point of high ceremony of these two festivals and has a repertoire of 6 to 8 songs, which are sung in a circle formed by the two girl associates and their two immediate predecessors, as well as by a master maraca leader and one or two of his apprentices. The great honor awards are given to female and male adolescents by the Pró-khãmmã just after this performance. Its songs are sung casually by women while they are working on daily activities.
WÈ?TÈ. A term that encompasses a festival season, two festivals, and two festival roles. The two great festival seasons are the Wè?tè (the dry season), for which there is no known translation, and the Regeneration (the wet season). The two festivals are the Opening Wè?tè and the Closing Wè?tè, which begin and end, respectively, the Wè?tè season. The two festival roles are those of the two Wè?tè girls, who (appointed by the Pró-khãmmã) are the principal members of an informal ceremonial hierarchy, which includes the Tsù?katê-re. The girls’ families provide a gathering center in their houses, enlarged as a service, to host the opposing age-set moiety to the Wè?tè girls’ fathers’. This opposing age-set moiety addresses their Wè?tè family members using kinship terms, the Wè?tè girl being “sister” and her parents “mother” and “father.” Each of the two fathers must come from a different age-set moiety. The Wè?tè girls are not girl associates because each is like a sister instead of a “wife” to her group [II.C.4.c] [II.D.2.e.(1),(3)] [II.G.3.b.(1)] [III.A.3.c.(1).(c)] [III.C.3.f] [III.C.7,8.d] [III.D.3.e.(3)] [III.F.10] [IV.A.3.a,b,d,e,4.a] (Nimuendajú, 1946:357) (Plate 52; Figure 45). See also AGE-SET; GIRL ASSOCIATES; TSÙ?KATÊ-RE
WETHEADS. Canela are either wetheaded (më ka-?khrã nkoo: the-ones generalizer-head wet) or dryheaded (m ë ka-?khrã nkràà: the-ones generalizer-head dry). All hàmren ceremonial status individuals are wetheaded, and all Clowns are dryheaded, but some non-Clowns are dryheaded. These two statuses and their corresponding personality traits are supposed to be maintained in daily life, but there are only two festival acts in which both groups appear as such and carry out their traditional roles. This occurs in the Pepkahàk festival during the Wild Boar day and during the preparation for this day the late afternoon before. On the Wild Boar day, the wetheaded men go out to a farm where the wives of the Dryheads are, and the dryheaded men stay in the village where the wives of the Wetheads are. Extramarital sex is had by many [III.C.7] [IV.A.3.c.(3).(e)] [IV.A.3.c.(4).(c)] [IV.A.3.f.(1),7] (Nimuendajú, 1946:351 [Clowns], 353 [hàmren]) (Plate 44d). See also DRYHEADS; HÀMREN
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